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  • How England’s class divide shaped Andy Burnham, the U.K.’s likely next prime minister

    How England’s class divide shaped Andy Burnham, the U.K.’s likely next prime minister

    MANCHESTER, England — Born and raised in northern England, Andy Burnham moved to the generally more posh south to study English literature at the University of Cambridge, where one professor recalls him wearing a soccer jersey to class.

    “I think that might be quite common on the streets of northwest England, but it’s not necessarily a common thing in a Cambridge college,” professor John Mullan told the Times of London. He recalled the young Burnham as a soccer-obsessed lad who recited Shakespeare and dated “the coolest girl in the college.” She is Dutch-born Marie-France van Heel, and the couple are now married.

    The soccer jersey was an early example of the working-class identity that would later define Burnham in politics.

    Now widely expected to succeed Keir Starmer as prime minister this month, Burnham, 56, often highlights his northern, blue-collar roots. Analysts say his upbringing and his time as mayor of Greater Manchester — which prides itself as the world’s birthplace of the working class, during the Industrial Revolution — have shaped his national policies. That background could also help his center-left Labour Party win back working-class voters, some of whom have shifted to voting for right-wing parties in recent years.

    “I want to do whatever I can to make Labour a party that [people] can believe in again, a party that’s solidly on the side of working-class people,” Burnham told the U.K.’s Channel 4 News in May.

    Early on, Burnham fought stereotypes of northern soccer fans

    Then-Culture, Media and Sport Secretary Andy Burnham speaks at an official memorial event at Liverpool's Anfield Stadium to mark the 20th anniversary of the Hillsborough disaster in which 96 football fans died.
    Then-Culture, Media and Sport Secretary Andy Burnham speaks at an official memorial event at Liverpool’s Anfield Stadium to mark the 20th anniversary of the Hillsborough disaster in which 96 football fans died. (Peter Byrne | PA Images via Getty Images)

    Born in a suburb of Liverpool to parents who worked as a telephone engineer and a receptionist, Burnham was raised in a village about halfway between there and Manchester. After graduating from Cambridge, he and van Heel stayed south, moving to London. Burnham was first elected to Parliament at age 31, with Labour, representing a northern district.

    He served as secretary of state for culture, media and sports under Prime Minister Gordon Brown, and in 2009, was sent to Liverpool to give a speech on the anniversary of the 1989 Hillsborough disaster, when nearly 100 soccer fans were crushed to death in an overcrowded stadium in northern England. It was the deadliest sports accident in British history. But the victims were stereotyped as hooligans, and many survivors and victims’ families felt the government had not done enough to investigate. Initially, the crowd heckled Burnham. Fighting back tears, he abandoned his prepared remarks, nodding his head as the crowd chanted for justice.

    “They were treated so badly, and [Burnham] was one of the first politicians to really listen,” says Charlotte Wildman, a University of Manchester historian who studies the working class.

    Burnham launched a government inquiry that found police failures, not the victims themselves, were responsible for the disaster. That helped change a national stereotype, Wildman says.

    “Particularly northern, working-class men were demonized. They were accused of being violent, aggressive, criminal, and that was a very entrenched stereotype,” she says.

    It’s a demographic in which some feel left behind by globalization, ignored by politicians in the more affluent south, where London is — and which Burnham won over early, with his Hillsborough advocacy.

    Born in Liverpool, educated at Cambridge, but famous for what he did in Manchester

    A view of the skyline behind Deansgate station in Manchester, on June 22.
    A view of the skyline behind Deansgate station in Manchester, on June 22. (James Speakman | PA Images via Getty Images)

    As a member of Parliament, Burnham ran twice for the Labour leadership. In 2015, he was nominated by his fellow lawmaker and friend, Keir Starmer. But he lost both times and ultimately quit Parliament after 16 years, to return north. In 2017, he was elected mayor of Greater Manchester — where, in local politics, he built a national reputation.

    In the 1980s and ’90s, Manchester was known for two things: post-industrial blight, and a vibrant indie music scene (with bands like The Smiths, New Order, The Stone Roses and Oasis). Burnham set out to fix the former, and immerse himself in the latter.

    Redevelopment was already underway in Manchester when Burnham took office, and he doubled those efforts, seeking to change the stereotype of his city, in the same way he’d done for soccer fans. He took control of city buses, and convinced the central government to devolve more powers over education and housing to cities like his.

    “Regeneration, it was almost like marketing and branding!” Wildman notes. “Manchester used to have such a negative image. It was so associated with urban decay.”

    Today, Manchester’s skyline is lined with construction cranes. An area of canals and former industrial warehouses hosts an arts center. There are glass skyscrapers that look more like Dubai than England. And Manchester now has one of the fastest-growing municipal economies in the United Kingdom.

    Burnham is pitching what he calls “Manchesterism” as a model for economic growth nationwide. He says he’ll shift power away from the central government in London, toward cities and regions — and open a branch of Downing Street in the north.

    “Imagine good growth in every postcode and hope in every heart. Imagine no more, let’s make it happen,” Burnham said in a June 29 policy speech.

    He also promises to cut tax rates for retail businesses, build the most public housing since World War II, and cut welfare spending in a way that’s “fair and lasting.”

    “‘Manchesterism’ for us is people coming together to effect change, doing things for themselves, and having a real can-do attitude,” says Rose Marley, CEO of Co-operatives UK, a Manchester-based federation of cooperative businesses. “From an economic viewpoint, Andy would call it an end to neoliberalism.”

    Marley worked as an adviser to Burnham when he was mayor. But she met him earlier, on the city’s indie music scene — where Burnham moonlights as a DJ. She recalls how, when he first arrived from London, he was “suited and booted” and acted like a lawmaker straight from Parliament at Westminster.

    “But on the very first day he arrived, the tie was loosened, and the idea of this Westminster MP went out the very quickly!” Marley recalls. “The Mancunian way is trainers and T-shirts! That’s when he started DJing.” (Mancunian is what people from Manchester are called.)

    Burnham became a national figure during COVID

    People wear protective suits as they walk along Market Street in the near-deserted city center in Manchester, England, on April 15, 2020, during the nationwide lockdown to combat the coronavirus pandemic.
    People wear protective suits as they walk along Market Street in the near-deserted city center in Manchester, England, on April 15, 2020, during the nationwide lockdown to combat the coronavirus pandemic. (Anthony Devlin | AFP via Getty Images)

    When the pandemic hit, the U.K.’s central government tailored lockdowns to local infection numbers, and Manchester was subject to tighter restrictions than many other cities. But the rules were often confusing.

    In October 2020, Burnham happened to be holding a news conference on live TV, when an aide passed him a phone with news of another lockdown — and the mayor reacted angrily, lashing out at the central government.

    “This is no way to run the country in a national crisis. It isn’t. This is not right,” Burnham said, predicting the restrictions would disproportionately hurt lower-paid blue-collar workers. “People too often forgotten by those in power!”

    Burnham’s outburst went viral, and he became a national hero during those dark, uncertain days of the pandemic, says Joshi Herrmann, founder of The Mill, a local Manchester news site.

    “He expressed helplessness, a feeling that perhaps the government didn’t really understand what it’s like to be in a place like Manchester. He really identified himself as a different type of politician in this country,” Herrmann recalls. “And I think without that moment, he wouldn’t be going into Downing Street in the next few weeks.”

    Learning to govern on the national stage

    Andy Burnham is sworn-in as a member of Parliament in the House of Commons in London, on June 22.
    Andy Burnham is sworn-in as a member of Parliament in the House of Commons in London, on June 22. (House of Commons via AP)

    Since then, Burnham has remained one of Britain’s most popular politicians.

    But he’s likely to face many of the same challenges that hurt Starmer: low national growth, high energy prices, pressure to ramp up defense spending, amid Russia’s ongoing war in Ukraine — and a certain volatile ally across the Atlantic.

    Herrmann says he’s not sure how Burnham will weather those.

    “Andy Burnham is someone who really likes to have affirmation. I don’t know what lengths he’ll go to to make sure Donald Trump isn’t truth socialing about him in [the] middle of the night, because he won’t like that,” Herrmann says. “He will be more hurt by that, I think, than someone like Keir Starmer.”

    Governing a country rather than a city, he says, is something Britain’s next prime minister will quickly have to get used to.

    Transcript:

    SCOTT DETROW, HOST:

    British Prime Minister Keir Starmer resigned this week. Next month, his center-left Labour Party will choose his successor. NPR’s Lauren Frayer has this profile of the front-runner, a man who has been shaped by England’s north-south divide.

    LAUREN FRAYER, BYLINE: Andy Burnham was born and raised in Northern England but went to the generally more posh South for college, studied literature at Cambridge, where Professor John Mullan recalls him wearing a soccer jersey to class.

    JOHN MULLAN: And I think that might be quite common on the streets of Northwest England, but it’s not necessarily a common thing in a Cambridge college.

    FRAYER: It was an early example, Mullan told The Times of London, of the working-class identity that would come to define Burnham, the politician. Elected to Parliament at age 31, he served as sports minister and gave this speech on the 20th anniversary of the 1989 Hillsborough disaster…

    (SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)

    ANDY BURNHAM: The 96 fellow football supporters who died will never be forgotten.

    FRAYER: …When soccer fans were crushed in an overcrowded northern stadium and then blamed for their own deaths, accused of being hooligans.

    CHARLOTTE WILDMAN: You know, they were treated so badly, and he was one of the first politicians to really listen.

    FRAYER: Historian Charlotte Wildman says Burnham launched a government inquiry that found police failures were to blame at Hillsborough and helped change a stereotype.

    WILDMAN: Particularly northern working-class men were demonized. They were accused of being violent, aggressive, criminal, and that was a very entrenched stereotype.

    FRAYER: Burnham then ran for the leadership of his center-left Labour Party, nominated by his friend, Keir Starmer, but he lost twice and retreated north to Manchester, the birthplace of the working class in the Industrial Revolution. As mayor there, he sought to change the city’s stereotype with a program of…

    WILDMAN: Regeneration, of almost, like, marketing and branding – you know, Manchester used to have such a negative image, and, you know, it was so associated with urban decay.

    FRAYER: Nowadays…

    (SOUNDBITE OF CONSTRUCTION EQUIPMENT BANGING)

    FRAYER: It’s kind of become a cliche Manchester is this skyline of construction cranes, but it’s really true. I’m standing near these canal area, formerly warehouses, industrial space. And there’s now an art center, and there are glass skyscrapers. Looks more like Dubai than England.

    (SOUNDBITE OF EQUIPMENT WHIRRING)

    FRAYER: Manchester is the fastest growing city in the country. Burnham gets credit, though…

    ROSE MARLEY: You know, those cranes and that economic development, we were already on that trajectory, you know, as he started out as the mayor.

    FRAYER: Rose Marley worked as one of Burnham’s advisers, though they first met on Manchester’s famous indie music scene. Marley recalls Burnham’s transformation from a buttoned-up MP to a DJ.

    MARLEY: He started wearing his trainers and his T-shirts and started DJing, so he pretty much became, you know, a full-on Mancunian within weeks, really (laughter).

    FRAYER: By day, Burnham reversed the privatization of buses and got the central government to hand cities more power over things like education and housing. In local politics, he became a national figure, especially during COVID.

    JOSHI HERRMANN: A particular press conference that he gave during the pandemic in 2020.

    FRAYER: Joshi Herrmann founded the local Manchester news site, the Mill. He recalls how Burnham learned of a new lockdown while on live TV and lashed out, saying it would hurt blue-collar workers.

    (SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)

    BURNHAM: People too often forgotten by those in power.

    FRAYER: This was under then-Prime Minister Boris Johnson’s often-confusing health guidance. And Burnham…

    HERRMANN: He expressed the sense of helplessness, a feeling that perhaps the government didn’t really understand what it was like to be in a place like Manchester. He really identified himself as a different type of politician in this country. And I think without that moment, he wouldn’t be sort of going into Downing Street in the next few weeks.

    FRAYER: Burnham is one of Britain’s most popular politicians. He may win back some working-class voters who’ve deserted Labour for the far right. But he’ll also face the same challenges as Starmer – low national growth, high energy prices, pressure to ramp up defense and a certain rather volatile ally across the Atlantic.

    HERRMANN: Andy Burnham’s someone who really likes to have affirmation. I don’t know what lengths he will go to to make sure Donald Trump is not Truth Socialing (ph) about him in the middle of the night because he won’t like that. He will be more hurt by that, I think, than someone like Keir Starmer.

    FRAYER: Governing a country rather than a city is something Britain’s next prime minister may have to get used to. Lauren Frayer, NPR News, Manchester, England.

    (SOUNDBITE OF ELMIENE SONG, “MARKING MY TIME”)

  • Campaign staffers keep trying to bet on races despite push to curb insider trading

    Campaign staffers looking to profit on political races are still trying to place bets on prediction markets, despite new public scrutiny toward insider trading — and internal efforts to curb the practice.

    Kalshi, the biggest prediction market company, is hoping to bar political staffers from trading on their own races with a new system that flags possible violations. The company says “dozens” of staffers have tried to bet on their own candidates since May, but that it blocked the trades.

    The company’s new program cross-references the names of campaign staffers listed in Federal Election Commission data against its own user logs. The FEC requires campaigns to list contribution and expenditure data, including some of the names and addresses of staffers on the campaign payroll.

    Robert DeNault, Kalshi’s head of enforcement and legal counsel, said his team has blocked a lot of campaign trades using FEC data.

    “If we’re able to identify a potential match, we have markets that are associated with each of the campaigns that are flagged, and those individuals would be prevented from placing trades on those markets,” said DeNault in an interview with NPR.

    Still, at least one campaign operative — who is listed in FEC records — was able to trade on a race they were involved in, despite Kalshi’s new monitoring program. The campaign staffer shared records of their recent trade and spoke to NPR on the condition of anonymity for fear of consequences for their future employment.

    These political trades come in the midst of an election year and growing bipartisan concerns about prediction markets and the incentives they offer for insider trading and manipulation. In a recent Brennan Center report, the nonpartisan organization said election prediction markets have the potential to “fuel misinformation and efforts to influence election outcomes” during the 2026 midterms.

    Kalshi’s FEC monitoring program was announced in May, days after NPR reported that some campaign staffers had made thousands of dollars using insider polling information on rival prediction markets Polymarket and PredictIt.

    Polymarket, which is Kalshi’s top rival, declined an interview request about its efforts to stop political insider trading. Instead, the company sent a statement saying that it has made nearly 100 referrals across all its markets to law enforcement, including one that resulted in arrest.

    “Polymarket’s market integrity framework includes trade monitoring, on-chain transparency, reporting channels, and escalation processes to detect, review, and respond to suspicious activity across all markets, including political markets,” a Polymarket spokesperson wrote.

    PredictIt, a lesser-known political prediction market, also declined an interview request for this story.

    FEC data is “not a panacea”

    Two former FEC commissioners told NPR that Kalshi’s campaign-monitoring program is a good start in the fight against political insider trading, but cautioned that FEC data is not comprehensive.

    FEC reports leave a lot of campaign staffers unnamed, such as volunteers, lawyers, pollsters and subcontractors, said Sean Cooksey, who was appointed to the FEC by President Trump in 2020 and chaired the commission during the 2024 election.

    “While I think this data may be helpful in giving some picture about who is working on a particular campaign, it is by no means a complete one,” Cooksey said. “It is not a complete list of every person who does any kind of work for the campaign.”

    Lee E. Goodman, a former FEC commissioner who served from 2013 to 2018 under Trump and President Barack Obama, agreed.

    “It is a constructive step,” Goodman said. “However, it’s not a panacea because it still leaves many people who are involved in campaigns who will not show up on FEC reports.”

    Other blind spots include state and city elections, which are featured on Kalshi’s election page and which use separate disclosure mechanisms from FEC filings. The names of staffers’ friends and family members are also outside the bounds of federal and local campaign records.

    Kalshi’s DeNault acknowledged that no system is perfect and said the company is working to expand campaign monitoring to local elections.

    “You have to be ready to also follow up with investigations where you’ve detected people who’ve gotten around systems,” DeNault said.

    He did not comment on current investigations into campaign staffers or whether Kalshi has referred any campaign staffer trades to the Department of Justice. Kalshi spokesperson Jacki McGavick said the company launched more than 150 investigations into insider trading, blocked more than 100 insider trading moves and referred at least 20 cases to law enforcement in the first quarter of 2026.

    Rules are “up to us,” Kalshi says 

    As prediction markets have exploded in popularity over the last two years, the industry’s federal regulator, the Commodity Futures Trading Commission (CFTC), has done little to police these new financial markets, largely leaving that work to the companies themselves. Trump-appointed CFTC Chairman Michael Selig has even defended prediction markets against dozens of lawsuits from states.

    The lack of regulation and the unsettled law surrounding prediction markets have raised serious concerns on Capitol Hill.

    At least 21 prediction market bills have been introduced in Congress this year. None has advanced through the House or the Senate.

    Until then, Kalshi’s top enforcement officer said, the company will regulate itself.

    “It is up to us to make rules of the road for our platform, whether Congress does or not,” DeNault said. “We’ve done that here in an expansive way in that we police all campaign individuals, whether they have insider information or not, from placing trades.”

    Meanwhile, the House Oversight Committee is actively investigating both Kalshi and Polymarket for their enforcement efforts against insider trading.

    Rep. James Comer, R-Ky., launched the investigation after the April federal indictment against a U.S. soldier for allegedly using classified information to trade on the U.S. operation to capture Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro in January.

    Comer had threatened to subpoena the prediction markets, but both Kalshi and Polymarket are cooperating with the investigation, according to the committee.

    In June, both companies gave closed-door briefings to the committee on “the measures they have in place to prevent insider trading on their prediction market platforms,” according to Oversight Committee spokeswoman Jessica Collins.

    The committee’s investigation remains “ongoing.”

    Want to share more about prediction markets and campaigns? You can reach Luke Garrett via encrypted Signal chat at lukegarrett.60

  • New aviation mechanics graduate with jobs in hand, thanks to a labor shortage

    New aviation mechanics graduate with jobs in hand, thanks to a labor shortage

    PITTSBURGH — As one graduate after another crosses the stage, cheers and applause ring out, a ritual that celebrates hard work and points to the future.

    For graduates in aviation maintenance at the Pittsburgh Institute of Aeronautics, it’s a literal transition: After shifting their tassels and hugging their parents, they head to a nearby building for one last test.

    “Every one of the 54 Maintenance students took their final test graduation day or the morning after,” says Derek Vrabel, the student services coordinator at PIA.

    The test isn’t for a class grade. It’s to earn the Federal Aviation Administration’s Airframe and Powerplant (A&P) certification for mechanics to work on plane airframes and engines. The coveted credential offers a foothold in an industry eager for new hires: Even before putting on their cap and gown in late June, nearly half of the graduates had already locked in new jobs, while others were narrowing down their choices. Options range from small regional airlines to loftier aspirations.

    “I do have a couple of interviews next week with a couple of contractors, and SpaceX in Texas,” says class salutatorian Jon Wojcik, from Buffalo, N.Y. “I’d be applying my airframe skills for that, for the assembly of Starship rockets.”

    As for how the new graduates did on the series of oral, practical and written exams that make up the test, Vrabel says 47 of them succeeded on their first attempt. He expects the remaining seven to pass in the coming days.

    How do aviation jobs stack up?

    Graduates stand at the Pittsburgh Institute of Aeronautics as their families and loved ones look on. The school's aviation technician program takes less than two years to complete and leads to federal certification.
    Graduates stand at the Pittsburgh Institute of Aeronautics as their families and loved ones look on. The school’s aviation technician program takes less than two years to complete and leads to federal certification. (Bill Chappell | NPR)

    Students have long groaned at adults’ questions about what they’ll do after graduation. But few grads have faced as many challenges as the current crop, such as disruptions from remote work, fears of a K-shaped economy, and the spread of AI.

    Aviation maintenance is a rare bright spot against that grim backdrop, a field of skilled physical labor that needs a new generation of workers.

    “There’s a shortage for both pilots and mechanics,” Wojcik says. “All these people are retiring, I think the average age is 57, of mechanics.”

    The commercial aviation industry will need to hire 123,000 aviation maintenance technicians in North America through 2044, according to a forecast in Boeing ‘s widely cited Pilot and Technician Outlook. Compare that to nearly 161,000 U.S. jobs in the field as of 2024, according to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics.

    Many of the awaiting jobs promise good wages. The median salary for an aviation technician was $79,140 in 2024, according to federal data. That’s $30,000 above the median wages for all jobs — quite a leap for a program that takes less than two years to complete and costs about $42,000 at PIA.

    ‘I want to do hands-on’

    “I’ve wanted to do this since I was about 6 years old,” says PIA student Kira Friedel of Indiana, Pa., who’s halfway through the aviation maintenance program. Friedel says her father’s interest in history and World War II led to lots of museum visits — where she peppered technicians with questions about how they restored vintage planes.

    Learning about schools like PIA during a college fair at her high school was a revelation and fed into her love for shop work, Friedel says. So when she graduated last year, she headed to Pittsburgh.

    “I was like, ‘Oh my God, I want to do this.’ I knew college wasn’t my thing, but I want to do hands-on, definitely.”

    “I’m the first person in my family right now that’s in a trade school,” Friedel says. “My dad does IT and my mom’s a nurse.”

    Other students switched to aviation after studying somewhere else. There’s a handful of veterans among the grads. And some are using trade school to trade careers. That includes Nancy Weaver.

    “I graduated a while back for film, and then I decided it wasn’t for me,” she says.

    At her new school, Weaver found that handling sheet metal was, well … riveting.

    “I was expecting to like working on engines, but I really like doing the sheet metal,” Weaver says moments after she graduated.

    The Canton, Ohio, native has a job offer in hand from Kalitta Air in Michigan. She says she originally wanted to be closer to home but now wants to branch out.

    “I mean, after all, I’m working in aircraft. Why not just hop on a plane and go back when I need to?” she says.

    Seeing a positive return on students’ investment

    PIA was founded in 1929; the 60 graduates this year focused on two main programs: maintenance and electronics.

    The program combines classroom theory along with practical work on machinery and a fleet of older planes used for practice at an air field on Pittsburgh’s outskirts.

    The class of 2026 is one of PIA’s largest. At least 15 employers, from American Airlines in Pennsylvania to GE Aerospace in Indiana, have already snapped up new graduates. And many new hires will likely continue to move around, according to PIA Executive Vice President Steven Sabold.

    “Approximately 36% of our graduates end up starting their first job in a regional air carrier like Envoy, Piedmont, Republic Airways,” he says. “And then after two or three years, [they] move on and work with a major air carrier.”

    The 2026 graduating class of 60 at PIA is one of the school's largest.
    The 2026 graduating class of 60 at PIA is one of the school’s largest. (Bill Chappell | NPR)

    There are about 220 aviation mechanic schools around the country, according to the FAA. They range from specialized schools like PIA to programs at community colleges, which usually cost less, and at universities.

    Data from the U.S. Department of Education puts the cost of attending PIA at well above the mid-point for U.S. certificate-level colleges. But the agency’s College Scorecard also reports that, four years after graduating, PIA’s graduates earn a median of $80,825 — more than twice the wages of other certificate-granting colleges.

    As with other colleges and universities, PIA students can use the standard federal application, or FAFSA, to find financial aid and scholarships. Some also use money they’ve saved or rely on part-time jobs.

    New graduate Benjamin Soto says that to get by, he used a mix of scholarships and savings from his former job in commercial electricity.

    “It might not have been, you know, the most luxurious thing,” he says. “I only spent like $100 every week on my groceries, but it lasted me through the whole two years, with some help from my parents.”

    A massive spike in student interest

    Although U.S. demand for aviation technicians outpaced supply for years, the labor shortage hasn’t garnered as many headlines as others in aviation, for pilots and air traffic controllers.

    “Five, ten years ago, our biggest struggle was awareness” among prospective students, says Sabold, who joined PIA in 2005. Now, he says, “we’ve gone so far past that, we can’t accept all of the applicants that we’re getting.”

    Until recently, the school admitted any student who qualified, using criteria such as a high school diploma or GED, along with math and problem-solving assessments. Now PIA has a waitlist.

    Other trade schools and community colleges are reporting similar spikes in interest, as more students look for alternatives to four-year universities.

    Citing capacity concerns, Sabold has advice for anyone considering a trade school like his.

    “The awareness is shifting,” he says. “So now, if you’re interested in it, jump on it.”

  • redveil: Tiny Desk Concert

    redveil Tiny Desk Concert ( (Photo: Vanessa Castillo/NPR))

    We love when a Tiny Desk feels like a homecoming. redveil, a rapper and producer from Prince George’s County, Md., moved to Los Angeles a couple years ago to further expand his musical ambitions. He comes back to the D.C. area, home of the Desk, with an evolved sound to perform a soulful set, turning his complex beats into jazzy, full-band arrangements.

    In late 2025, redveil released sankofa, which means “go back and get it” from the Akan language of Ghana — to bring wisdom from the past into the future to make positive changes. That’s the mindset of this performance. He speaks on his mortality with “time (a dream deferred)” and, on “lone star,” reflects on summers in Texas with his grandparents. There’s a desire to connect with his Caribbean roots on “history,” which jumps right into the breezy love song “brown sugar.”

    As he winds down the set, redveil goes back to “campbell,” the first track from his 2020 album niagra, which he released at age 16. To close out, redveil gets on the keys for “glimpse of you,” a personal letter to his brother who lives with schizophrenia — the song crescendos into an emotional climax and on a note of hope.

    SET LIST

    • “time (a dream deferred)”
    • “lone star (feat. Carolyn Malachi)” 
    • “history”
    • “brown sugar” 
    • “campbell”
    • “glimpse of you”

    MUSICIANS

    • redveil: vocals, keys
    • Carolyn Malachi: vocals
    • Fred Greene: keys
    • Emmanuel Oke: guitar
    • Imran Musa: bass
    • Keith Butler Jr.: drums
    • Michael Tumi Murphy: sax
    • Isaac Burns: trumpet
    • Jada Postell: background vocals
    • André Lyn: background vocals
    • Allayna O’Quinn: background vocals

    TINY DESK TEAM

    • Producers: Joshua Bryant, Bobby Carter
    • Director: Joshua Bryant
    • Audio Director/Mix: Josh Newell 
    • Video Editor: Kara Frame
    • Videographers: Joshua Bryant, Maia Stern, Kara Frame, Alanté Serene
    • Audio Engineer: Valentina Rodríguez Sánchez
    • Production Assistant: Ashley Pointer
    • Photographer: Vanessa Castillo
    • Series Editor: Lars Gotrich
    • Executive Producer: Suraya Mohamed
    • Executive Director: Sonali Mehta
    • Series Creators: Bob Boilen, Stephen Thompson, Robin Hilton